Shakespeare at the Monument-National Theatre

By Marc Seltzer

William Shakespeare wrote English history into many of his plays.  His Henry V chronicles the famed 15th century battle of Agincourt, in which an outnumbered regiment of Welsh and English soldiers, led by a young, devout King Henry V, faced a substantially larger army of Frenchmen.

Shakespeare’s audience were Londoners at the turn of the 16th century.  He schooled them in history even while he took liberties with fact to create stories of dramatic irony, intriguing character and English glory.  Henry V does not display the dark ingenuity and twisted psychology of a Hamlet or Macbeth.  There are no ghosts or witches, no vaulting ambition, murderous madness or overleap of the rules of royal succession.  Instead, Henry V is a beautiful examination of monarchal leadership, as Europe emerged from feudal hierarchy.

The Persephone production at the Monument-National presents a lively and fast-moving Henry V.  The large and able cast is led by Aaron Turner as King Henry.  Turner, and other standouts Alex Goldrich, Christopher Moore, Clive Brewer, Karine Lefebvre and Dustin Ruck, each playing a number of characters, keep the lines flowing gracefully, bringing the richness and complexity of Shakespeare’s tongue to life.

King Harry, as Henry V was known, is the good king, true to his country and to God.  Yet this is far from fairy-tale.  Harry is tested by a series of obstacles from traitors among the English lords and butchery by the French, to scenes of doubt and misbehavior among his common troops.  The King is an absolute monarch.  His will must be obeyed.  But in Shakespeare’s portrayal, the king’s nobility of spirit and justness of command make right the world:  Traitors pray thanks that their plots are uncovered before harm can result; even a childhood friend of the king is not spared punishment, where just rule is broken; and loyal kinsmen prefer to face the enemy outnumbered thus to gain the greater glory if they prevail.

Co-directed by Gabrielle Soskin and Christopher Moore, the production uses the large cast to great effect in scenes with choreographed movements and unified voices.  Costumes, by Sabrina Miller, conjured an army, but were at times confusing, especially where actors took on multiple roles.  Moreover, the weapons and additional vague references to modern warfare did not resonate through a unified production theme.

However, in a week in which the leaders of present day Great Britain and France announced that they would combine their nuclear testing programs in an effort to save costs and further solidify their mutual security interests, one can admire the long path of history.  As Henry V plays Montreal, les Anglais et les Français have opportunity to see a worthy production by the bard of Avon.

After seeing the stage production, you may enjoy one of the great film versions of Henry V, Kenneth Branagh’s 1989 triumph or Lawrence Olivier’s 1944 timely production.  Branagh’s staging and delivery of the St. Crispian’s speech “And gentlemen in England now a-bed, shall think themselves accursed they were not here“ would make Shakespeare stand at reveille, while Lawrence Olivier’s wooing of Princess Katherine gushes charm and respect at a profound moment of cross-channel cooperation.

At the Monument-National, 1182 St.-Laurent Blvd., Montreal Wednesday through Saturday until November 13, at 8:30 p.m., and matinée times Friday November 12th at 12:30 p.m. and Saturday November 13, at 2:00 p.m.

Redefining America: Constitution and Leadership 2010 — Oil Spill #2

Podcast June 10, 2010, “Oil Spill #2”

SupremePodcast.com — May 29, 2010

SupremePodcast.com

A weekly podcast review of U.S. Supreme Court decisions, grants of certiorari (cases accepted for review) and biographies of justices and nominees to the high Court.

May 29, 2010, Podcast

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Transcript of my May 29, 2010, SupremePodcast.com segment, Lewis v. Chicago:

Lewis v. City of Chicago, Ill.  Issued by the Supreme Court May 24, 2010

In a week when the 46 year old Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in the news –Tennessee Senate primary victor Rand Paul having questioned some of the Act’s provisions in articulating his philosophy of government overreach — the U.S. Supreme Court issued a unanimous opinion with respect to application of the Civil Rights Act to the City of Chicago and its fire department hiring practices.

The facts of the case are straightforward:  Chicago offered a test to 26,000 prospective firemen.  Those who achieved a score of 89 and above were marked “well qualified.”  Those who scored between 65 and 88 were deemed “qualified.”  Those below 65 were not qualified.  The city adopted this policy in 1995.  It further decided that only “well qualified” candidates would be hired first as needed.  It kept the files of “qualified” candidates in case all “well qualified” candidates were considered and additional positions were still available.

The city of Chicago continued to apply the same standard drawing from the original pool of “well qualified” candidates for six years, causing a number of potential “qualified” firemen not to be hired although it did select some qualified applicants in the end.

6000 African American candidates who had been rated qualified, but had not been hired, sued the city.

In the course of the litigation, the city stipulated, or accepted, the fact, that African Americans had been severely impacted in a way that was different than other racial groups by the 89-point cutoff.  This is called a severe disparate impact and is recognized by statute as a basis for challenging government hiring policies.  The Court of appeals referred to disparate-impact liability as “primarily intended to lighten plaintiff’s heavy burden of proving intentional discrimination after employers learned to cover their tracks.”

At trial the African American group of qualified candidates won their discrimination case.  The court ordered 132 of them to be hired by random selection from the class of 6000.   Back pay for what the 132 would have earned was awarded and was to be split among the other remaining candidates who were not hired.

The city appealed the trial court decision on the grounds that the applicants had not filed Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) claims within 300 days of the test date.  The city argued that the statue required claims under Title 7 of the Civil Rights Act to be filed with the EEOC within 300 days of the violation of the law.  The city considered the discriminatory act to be when the test results were given, placing applicants into the “qualified” group, back in 1995. If the firemen failed to file a charge with the EEOC within 300 days, the city was entitled to consider the act lawful.  But the applicants argued that the policy was applied continuously over six years excluding them from advancing in the process and that the 300 day limit should be counted from each time the test results were used to determine which candidates would be called up for further consideration for open positions.

The 7th circuit reversed the trial court, finding the applicants’ claims were time barred.

The applicants petitioned the Supreme Court for review and in a decision written by justice Antonin Scalia the court unanimously reversed the 7th circuit.

The Court decided that in applying the same standard year after year to candidates who had originally “qualified” the city continued the violation such that the claims were filed in time.

The application of the policy had served to deny the firefighters’ opportunity.  The city could not hide behind the claim that their initial decision was all that counted for the purposes of starting the clock on timeliness.

The case was thus not in the Supreme Court on the merits of the discrimination claim and makes no substantive changes in the law on discrimination.  Those issues were decided in the trial court in favor of the fireman.  And the district or trial court decision, being a lower court, has little strength as precedent.  In fact, the Supreme Court sent the case back to the 7th circuit court of appeals on remand to make certain other determinations before final result would be known.

The case may be more significant for its dicta, which is the language and positions of the court not so central to its decision to become precedent but meaningful in expressing the court’s reasoning.  Justice Antonin Scalia used the case to forcefully articulate principles of judicial restraint.

“It is not for us to rewrite the statute so that it covers only what we think is necessary to achieve what we think Congress really intended.

Our charge is to give effect to the law Congress enacted.  Congress allowed claims to be brought against an employer who uses a practice that causes disparate impact, whatever the employer’s motives and whether or not he has employed the same practice in the past.  If that effect was unintended, it is a problem for Congress, not one that the federal courts can fix.”

While not surprising, the unanimity behind such a clear statement of judicial restraint illustrates the ascendance of such principles.

Arctic Oil Drilling Suspended

By Marc Seltzer; originally published May 27, 2010, at care2.com

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President Obama has stopped the permitting process for drilling in the Arctic.  In the wake of the BP Gulf oil spill disaster, the administration’s moratorium will be in place until the cause of the Gulf spill has been determined and new environmental rules are imposed.  (New York Times coverage of President’s announcement)

While a practical response to current oil spill, this may also aid the administration in pressing forward to develop a more sustainable energy policy.  President Obama campaigned for an end to excessive dependence on foreign oil.  This put him in favor of more offshore oil drilling, development of a new generation of nuclear power plants, as well as government support for new green technologies such as wind, solar and improved mileage standards for vehicles.  However, the President has not had universal support for green technology initiatives on the one hand, and has not gone far enough to address environmental concerns related to increased oil drilling, nuclear and climate change, on the other.

The U.S. populace is a reckless consumer of energy with little regard for the geopolitical or environmental consequences.  In contrast, Europe charges high gasoline taxes to discourage fossil fuel consumption.  Current legislation on climate change is a huge first step, but our nation needs bold leadership to move forward in energy policy, threading the needle of politically sound choices, management of limited resources and promotion of economic growth.

The President should seize the initiative during the moratorium period.  Of course, current dependence on oil, including foreign oil, cannot be changed overnight.  But developing policies that point in the right direction, towards sustainable energy with environmental safeguards should be the top priority goal of the administration.  We need fifty-year and 100-year plans.  The fact that technologies will change over time beyond our current understanding, does not alleviate our need to chart a responsible course now.

President Obama and the Democratic Congress face political challenge because of the economic downturn.  But that is looking backward.  Going forward, the Democrats should propose and campaign for transforming American energy policy.  Such a policy would clearly distinguish Democratic and Republican candidates in November.  It would offer international leadership above and beyond the tone of collaboration ushered in by Mr. Obama, and would begin the necessary public dialogue about a system for the use of resources and an accounting for damage to the environment that is appropriate for sustained progress and development.

The old model of environmental advocates lobbying for regulation of business served to pressure businesses to eliminate the worst of their pollution while businesses protected their profit potential.  However, what is needed now, is long-term, visionary policy that promotes green technologies, but also engages the public in the transformation from destructive consumption and development to sustainable management of the earth’s precious resources.

“You never want a serious crisis to go to waste,” Rahm Emanuel, Obama’s chief of staff, said just after the election.  A year later we have some significant progress in financial reform.

The Gulf oil rig tragedy has temporarily refocused attention on the dangers and mismanagement of energy policy.   Now is the time to act boldly!

Anti-Vaccine Crusader Wakefield Banned from Practicing Medicine

By Marc Seltzer; originally published on May 23, 2010, at care2.com

Andrew Wakefield, who published a study in 1998, linking autism to vaccines, has been banned from practicing medicine by the General Medical Council, which overseas and licenses doctors in the U.K.  The council found Wakefield guilty of serious professional misconduct.

The study published by Wakefield and several other authors was originally published in the leading medical journal Lancet.  The Lancet recently retracted the study and ten of the other original participating authors have renounced its conclusions.  Among the problems for Wakefield, he did not have approval for the research that made up the study and he took blood samples from children at a birthday party.  Numerous studies since 1998 have failed to show a correlation between vaccines and autism.

The official medical community has generally had harsh words for Wakefield because subsequent studies have shown that the measles, mumps and rubella vaccine is safe and effective and because children have become ill and died from the diseases such as measles that are stopped by the vaccine.

”That is Andrew Wakefield’s legacy,” said Paul Offit, chief of infectious diseases at the University of Pennsylvania. ”The hospitalizations and deaths of children from measles who could have easily avoided the disease.”

In the United States thousands of claims have been filed seeking compensation for children who are alleged to have been hurt by vaccines.  However, two rulings by the U.S. Court of Federal Claims in March of 2009 found no link between vaccines and autism.

Health care policy professionals are concerned that Wakefield’s claims, despite being discredited, have undermined confidence in vaccines and lowered the rate of vaccination of children, putting more children at risk of death or complications from illnesses.

Visa and Mastercard Retail Debit Transaction Fees Restricted under New Reform Amendment

By Marc Seltzer; originally published on May 13, 2010, at care2.com

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A Senate amendment to the comprehensive financial reform legislation directs the Federal Reserve to cap retail debit card transaction fees at a level that is “reasonable and proportional” to the cost of processing the transactions.  Sixty-four Senators sided with retailers over banking industry objections.  33 opposed.

The restrictions are not contained in the House version of financial reform that passed in December.  Thus, if the current bill passes the full Senate vote, the provision will still have to make it into the final legislation during reconciliation of the House and Senate bills.  The banking lobbyists will push hard to stop the final legislation from containing the restrictions, which could cost banks billions of dollars.

Anger at banks has shifted the power in the Senate towards small businesses and away from large banks, for the time being.  The amendment was written by Senator Dick Durbin, Democratic whip, and brought for a vote by Senator Chris Dodd of Connecticut, who is managing the financial reform legislation as Chairman of the Senate Banking Committee.

Some of the savings would likely be passed from retailers to customers, especially in highly competitive markets like groceries and chain stores.

The law would only apply to large banks and would not apply to credit card transaction fees.  Still, it would give retailers a path to lower transaction costs.

The Columbia Journalism Review covered the change and noted that the press has been fairly mute on amendments to the financial reform bill and poor in explaining what’s at stake.  Spotty Coverage of the Financial Reform Amendments More information is available:  Reuters reportingProgressiveOhio

Marc Seltzer is also a contributor to SupremePodcast.com and Redefining America: Constitution and Leadership 2010.

Where the Stock Market Goes, Jobs Follow

By Marc Seltzer; originally published on May 10, 2010, at care2.com.

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Right on schedule, 2010 jobs numbers are improving dramatically, following in the footsteps of the U.S. stock market’s impressive, year-plus climb back from 2008-2009 financial-crisis lows.  “The best job growth in [the] manufacturing sector since 1998” as Senator Dodd described it on Face the Nation.  However, in the past week, the market has fallen 5%.  Does this indicate a problem for the recovery or signal that employment gains will not continue?

The stock market, which reflects a willingness to invest in companies on the prediction of future profits, gained 23% in the last twelve months.  However, many called this a “jobless recovery” because unemployment numbers were poor during much of this period.  Job growth typically follows many months after the stock market gains, as businesses turn increased prospects, sales and planning activity into action on the hiring front.

Look at the recent employment numbers:  290,000 new jobs in April; 230,000 new jobs in March, after 39,000 in February; and 14,000 in January.  While it will take a few years for the 8+ million unemployed Americans to find new work even if the economy creates three- or four-hundred thousand new jobs a month as the recovery continues, the strong stock market of the past year would suggest continued strength.

Following the same reasoning, does this past month’s stock market downturn foretell a loss of jobs in 2011?  That depends on whether the stock market slide reflects only a “correction” — temporary profit taking and selling in light of how extraordinarily fast the market rebounded over the past year — or a more negative economic prediction in light of financial instability in Europe.

On the bright side, the trouble in Greece, which has shaken Europe, is still small in proportion to the size of the U.S. economy — the entire Greek bailout package, somewhere above 100 billion dollars, is in the ballpark of what the U.S. government spent to bailout insurer A.I.G.  On the other hand, the European Union is not the United States, politically speaking (although public disapproval of the bailout is reminiscent), and if the rescue is not performed as well as it was in the US, instability could spread to larger EU nations.  As an important trading partner, what happens in Europe will impact the United States (More coverage of Greek financial issues in the New York Times).

Even with EU weakness, however, the North American and Asian economies are poised for growth.  After a severe recession, U.S. growth will be driven by pent-up demand and new innovation, as well as continuing stimulus spending.  The bubble and bust of the 2000s was very destructive, but there should be no doubt of the underlying demand for U.S. goods and services.  The need for quality health care, environmentally sound products, better energy solutions and cutting-edge technologies has never been greater.  Even the U.S.’s greatest liabilities, such as its over-dependence on fossil fuels, will force research, development and significant economic activity.

It remains to be seen how European economies will cope with the current crisis, but the United States is now beginning a significant economic recovery.  With plans for better regulation of financial markets working their way through Congress, a new period of sustainable economic growth, while by no means guaranteed, is within reach.  It will take more than a minor setback to derail the U.S. economy now, and that’s good for workers waiting to get aboard.

Marc Seltzer also podcasts about the Supreme Court at SupremePodcast.com

Comment re Holding Back Miranda Warnings for Terrorism Suspects

Comment to politics blog at care2.com

I like what Holder said and how he said it. I think it was carefully put, unlike political barbs that over-simplify. Holder said that the “public safety exception” to the Miranda requirements allowed police to delay giving Miranda warnings for a few hours when the officers needed information about a crime in progress to protect the public. If they caught a suspect in the course of a bank robbery, for example, they getting information quickly and was more important than providing a lawyer quickly. The warning against self-incrimination and the lawyer would still be provided as soon as the emergency was over.

Holder is saying that in the terrorism context, the “public safety exception” should give law enforcement more time to interrogate a suspect and get information about ongoing terrorist activity before providing Miranda warnings and legal representation. There are a number of issues to be looked at about treatment of a suspect, but there is nothing wrong, in my book, with being practical and facing changing circumstances. Holder is saying that Congress and the administration, working together, can craft a law that will meet constitutional requirements while updating the public safety exception to meet the needs of law enforcement in facing terrorist attacks on U.S. soil. This is an incremental approach, respecting the laws and constitution, but also asserting that law enforcement needs new procedures to deal with current problems.

Redefining America: Constitution and Leadership 2010 – BP Gulf Oil

Marc Seltzer and Jessica Pieklo continue a podcast conversation about current issues:

May 12, 2010:  BP Gulf Oil Disaster Podcast (click to listen)

What We Wont Learn from the Sotomayor Confirmation Hearings

By Marc Seltzer; originally published on July 9, 2009, at politicsunlocked.com.

(Linda Greenhouse’s New York Times piece about the confirmation hearings for Elena Kagan raised the issue of whether a justice can be forthcoming in their testimony to congress.  Interestingly, Kagan has articulated her belief that the executive brach has largely unfettered authority in the areas of national security, the point that I wrote about in reference to the Sotomayor hearings.  Still, I do not see any reason for Kagan to speak openly in the upcoming confirmation hearings in light of the intense politicization of the process.  My early post is reposted below.)

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If there is one legal question that is profound and topical, the discussion of which would be deeply thought provoking and educational in the Supreme Court nomination hearings of Judge Sonia Sotomayor, it is the constitutional division of power between the different branches of government.

The power struggle between the branches is most notably implicated in the national debate over the Bush administration’s conduct of foreign policy and war.  President Bush and Vice-President Cheney asserted generally exclusive executive branch authority in the conduct of intelligence, detention of prisoners and avoidance of oversight in national security operations after 9/11.

Now that Bush and Cheney are out of power and more information is coming out about their conduct, opponents of such policies are on the attack, calling for investigation.  Only the most recent issue is whether Vice-President Cheney directed that the CIA withhold information from Congress that Congress has by law, demanded that the executive branch provide.  Other red-hot manifestations are whether the use of torture by the administration can be subject to explicit laws banning such activity, and whether the President was in fact required to brief congress regularly on its conduct of foreign policy and military action, as Congress has demanded.

Underlying this and other such conflicts is the question of constitutional authority in the different branches of government.  The President is the Commander-in-Chief.  Does this grant the President sole authority for decisions relating to national security, or is it an authority shared by the peoples’ representatives in Congress?

In the same vein, what are the limits of such Presidential authority?  Can the President authorize torture if he believes it is necessary for national defense?  If Congress requests that the President provide information on on-going military operations, can the President ignore the request if he believes that to follow it will harm the operations?

The ultimate answers to these questions cannot be known until the U.S. Supreme Court decides each issue in the context of specific facts presented in a lawsuit.  But a Supreme Court nominee could give us her reflections and a certain education.  This would be far more meaningful then the competing assertions of power by the administration and congress.  Of no more use are the pundits and professors who weigh in.  Almost universally, commentators take political positions based on desired outcomes, but give no real insight into what the Supreme Court would be likely to do.  The Supreme Court is deeply aware of its profound power and cautious about its legitimacy in asserting its authority over other branches of government – being the unelected branch.   Pundits have none of this real world caution.

Consequently, the Supreme Court tends to go to great lengths to avoid constitutional questions, instead deciding cases on smaller technical matters whenever possible.   There is nothing wrong with this judicial approach, except that it leaves many of us wondering where the bounds of legislative or executive power really are.

I, for one, have no doubt that they are not where the President and Congress say they are.