Category Archives: health care

Podcast March 10, 2010

“My show” podcast — March 10, 2010

David Leonhardt’s article on health care finance.

Why don’t we leave the lawyers alone?  Detainee lawyers criticized by Lynn Cheney, while other conservatives come to their aid.  (New York Observer commentary) (New York Times article)  The left criticizes Bush administration lawyers.  This is politics.  The lawyers are doing their job, fulfilling an important role in the system — in both cases.  What do you think?

The Chief Justice wonders, “why we’re there” referring to the State of the Union address and Obama’s criticism of the court.

Podcast March 9, 2010

March 9, 2010 “My Show

Health care reform vote counting.  Tension or media hype? (Wall Street Journal)

Democrats and Republicans differ on universal coverage.  Cost cutting in tax on high value insurance plans gets little credit.

Military tribunals and civilians courts.  Will legislating the answer help or hurt?

Podcast March 6, 2010

March 6, 2010 “My Show”

Iraqi election and the courage of starting a new democracy.

Health care reform and whether “reconciliation” is really just a buz word and political attack with no real historic significance.

Email or call with comments (310) 928 1408 and I will try to discuss in the next show.

Combining the House and Senate Health Care Bills

By Marc Seltzer; originally published on December 29, 2009, at care2.com

. .

While the House and Senate health care reform bills are nearly identical, they differ in a couple of important ways — and this can potentially make the final bill much better than what has so far been contemplated.  Comparisons:  Bloomberg & New York Times.

The just-passed Senate bill partially funds health care insurance for those who cannot afford it by taxing luxurious insurance plans.  (I see it as ending a subsidy, not a tax at all — as I explain here)  This is not only a source of revenue, but crucially the tax will create an incentive for insurance companies to create cost-savings plans, “bending the cost curve,” of the entire system by reducing excess health care services.  Decreasing the unneccessary care lowers demand, cutting prices for insurers and eventually for businesses and individuals.  See Atul Gawande, New Yorker, Dec. 14 — a must-read on costs (and also June 1, New Yorker).

However, the House bill takes a different tack.  It raises taxes on high-income Americans, under the theory that they can afford to pay more without cutting into food, shelter or health care.  At some point, increasing taxes on wealthy Americans does lower their overall investment in new businesses — a drag on the economy — but such taxes are at a relative low point and the proposed tax is not so dramatic as to significantly damage investment potential.

The conventional wisdom is that the Conference Committee, which will meet in the new year to create one final health care bill, will choose between House and Senate options.  On many provisions, the Senate bill will prevail, because it is more cost-conscious, as already noted, and there is less support for the House provisions in the Senate, where the Democrats have no margin of error on the final vote.  Senate legislation has already been CBO (Congressional Budget Office) scored to reduce the deficit at ten- and twenty-year projections.  This does require doctors to take less payment from Medicare patients than they have in the past and requires individuals to buy insurance or pay a fine, which will be unpopular for some people who neither have insurance nor want to pay for it.  On the other hand, projected cost savings of the Senate legislation do not entirely factor in other cost-containment approaches, which are being tested, from malpractice reform to replacing the fee for service model, and which will likely bear fruit over the next decade.

Deficit Reduction and Health Care Cost Containment

The conference committee should take both the Senate tax on high value insurance plans and the House tax on wealth in the final form of the bill.  This would lower the deficit even further.  It might upset a moderate Democrat or two and it might not induce any Republicans to vote for health care reform, so Harry Reid needs to shepherd his flock and ask Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins where they stand on the idea, but it has the distinct advantage of creating universal health care legislation that is strongly positive on deficit reduction and still stepping in the right direction by changing health care incentives.

Currently incentives in the profit-driven system reward over-testing and overuse of resources by those who have, and tolerate underuse by those who have not. The Senate legislation, as it stands, gives the have-nots a chance to participate in the health-care marketplace.  While taxing wealth must be done cautiously so as not to damage investment and new business potential, here the benefit of lowering the deficit in the process of providing the opportunity for basic health care for all Americans is a worthy purpose for a moderate wealth tax.  Control of the deficit will return rewards to many who pay the tax by improving confidence in the economy and raising prospects for investments.  This could be a win-win in the long run, provided that the economy was emerging from the current recession before tax increases were imposed.

The Senate’s health care legislation is a monumental accomplishment in the direction of universal coverage. It also begins to tackle cost issues by taxing luxurious insurance plans and pointing towards other models of care that will lower demand and drive down costs.  We could add substantial deficit reduction to the legislation — an unplanned bonus — by including the House’s moderate tax on wealth in addition to the Senate bill’s revenue measures.

What are your priorities?  If this sounds appealing, please spread the word.

Listen to care2.com blogger Jessica Pieklo and I discuss health care and more on our weekly podcasts.

January 4, 2009 UPDATEHendrik Hertzberg at the New Yorker on support and opposition to the health care bill.  An outspoken liberal, Mr. Hertzberg is in favor of the current legislation.

On the White House blog, a comparison of President Obama’s Transition period positions on health care reform compared with the near final product.

January 11, 2009, UPDATE:  PBS Newshour hosted a good discussion on whether it was better to adopt Senate or House approaches, but there was no mention of taking both.  Why not?

President Obama Achieving the Possible

By Marc Seltzer; originally published on December 20, 2009, at care2.com

. .

I, for one, would like to see a re-energized Republican party.  I don’t think its good for America when one party has lost its way and we have to rely, at least temporarily, on the leadership of only one political team.

I rather like medical malpractice reform, a piece of the current Republican puzzle.  If Republicans could coalesce around a message of discipline and sacrifice for the common good on post-recession budgets — and maybe cleaning up the terrible problem in states that elect judges without asking them to recuse themselves when they preside over the cases of their campaign donors, they could have the beginning of a party platform.

Instead, I had to read in the NY Times today that the Republican response to President Obama’s efforts to reach reasonable and practical agreements to reduce international pollution and to the President’s leadership on health care — again seeking compromise in order to achieve what is possible — is that the President should only be working on the economy.

As if it weren’t bad enough that the Republicans have opposed serious efforts at health care reform — including opposing the current reform package that takes significant steps at cost control, while providing health care to those priced out of the system.  (The New York Times reported “the $871 billion cost of the bill would be more than offset by the new revenues and cuts in spending, so that it would reduce future federal budget deficits by $132 billion between 2010 and 2019” per the CBO.)

As if denying that environmental pollution could have a global impact, and claiming that serious scientists doing their best to understand and report climate change were balanced by a far smaller number of skeptics, many of whom represent polluting interests, wasn’t holding America back.

Now the Republican message is that the President of the United States should not do more than one thing at a time.  No matter that the nation is at war, that China presents capitalist competition at a whole new level, that environmental damage is not bound by borders and China, India, Brazil and the like are industrializing fast, that regulation of our private financial system needs obvious overhall and that the great gains in productivity and commerce of recent years got absorbed into rising health care costs rather than making our products more competitive on the international market or our workers better paid and businesses more profitable.  The Republicans want the President to address no more than the economy.  And on the economy, they want unregulated markets, without government action.  In other words, laissez faire, and let the chips fall where they may.

This President is tackling real problems in the economy, health care, and national security, and laying the groundwork for longer-term progress on environmental protection, education, and financial regulation.  His administration is developing new partnerships in international cooperation in keeping with changes in the dynamic power and nature of world nations.

Take for example, the health care compromise aiming to garner 60 votes in the Senate.  It will be picked on mercilessly by those who wanted something more or something less.  Some will say it does nothing and others will say it remakes the American economy into a socialist order.  But read the basics of what it achieves and think.  It offers an estimated 30 million people, who were rejected from or priced out of health insurance, the opportunity to obtain coverage.  It subsidizes low income wage earners and it taxes enough of those parts of the health care industry that are subsidized and overused to achieve significant cost-cutting.  It has features which draw the praise of economists like Paul Krugman. See his recent NY Times op-ed “Pass the Bill.”

The fact that Mr. Obama speaks well and that he uses expressions, such as “don’t let the perfect be the enemy of the good,” which turn out to perfectly capture the political dynamic, is a mighty bonus.  The President has clear insight into what realistic progress looks like.  Those who criticize compromise do not, although they may have a point that in the future progress can go beyond what we agree to today.  But we have to start from where we are, and sometimes getting started is the hardest part.  Once we move in the direction of cleaner energy, we can invest our education, creativity, entrepreneurial spirit and regulatory know-how to take us farther than we can now imagine.  Or more dire circumstances may force us to take other measures.  But this is still the beginning.  We are not lacking leadership at the top.  Let’s take advantage of where we are and get started.

To hear my conversation with care2.com blogger Jessica Pieklo on Copenhagen hopes and Health Care votes follow this link and click on the “December 15, 2009 podcast, Copenhagen’s Promise and Health Care Reform Politics.”

The Vice President’s Op-ed is also worth reading:  Joe Biden in the NY Times.

December 21, 2009 UPDATE: NY Times Editorial in favor of the Senate bill.

Sacrificing the Public Option, Expanding Medicare and Universal Coverage

By Marc Seltzer; originally published on December 13, 2009, at care2.com
. . .

How does the latest health-care proposal in the U.S. Senate measure up on Progressive principles?

The Progressive movement has rallied behind single payer and public option reform proposals in the belief that not only is universal coverage a fundamental right, but not-for-profit medicine is a better way to get quality health care at a reasonable price.

Unlike most developed nations, the United States has a sizeable part of its population that goes without health insurance.  President Obama took up the cause of greatly expanding coverage in his presidential campaign. He also spoken firmly of reform in terms of bending the cost-curve, making insurance and medical care more affordable to individuals and to the nation, in light of fast-rising health-industry costs.  However, Mr. Obama stopped short of embracing single payer, leaving in question what type of structural changes would be used to achieve reform goals.

The political reality is that both the House of Representatives and Senate are split among those who want to change the system towards government-run health insurance and those intent on maintaining a mostly private system.  In the House of Representatives, the Democratic majority was able to pass legislation substantially expanding coverage and including a limited public option, a small government-run insurance program for those not insured through their employer.  The vote was fairly close and may have reflected inclusion of a controversial abortion-funding restriction, such that the exact count of Representatives who would support a public option if the anti-abortion funding provision were not part of the final bill is uncertain.

In the Senate, Democrats need sixty votes to close debate and move forward.  They have close to, but not quite, that many, who will accept some form of a public option.  Thus, negotiations have continued to explore what types of limited government insurance programs would be acceptable to at least a few conservative Democrats, independents or moderate Republicans.

This week a Senate group reached a compromise that attempts to replace the public option with a public/private non-profit insurance program like that which is currently offered to Congressional legislators and federal employees.  The compromise proposal did not stop there, however.   It also included a provision to significantly expand Medicare, by lowering the age of participation from 65 to 55.

How should Progressives look on this proposal?

All the proposals under consideration push towards universal coverage.  It is really the structure that makes them different.  The use of a public/private program is not equivalent to the public option, or government-run program.  However, the federal authority sets rates, controls profits, and guides provision of health care.  It is a strong control on profit-driven insurance.

Moreover, expanding Medicare is a major step in the direction of single payer.  The Medicare program is single payer for its participants.  Private insurance does not participate except in supplemental programs.  There are approximately 35 million additional Americans who would be eligible to participate, if the age requirement was lowered — more than 10% of the population.  Those under fifty-five would remain in their current employer-provided plans and a small number would participate in the new public/private plan.

Given that there is not political power to create a nationwide single-payer program, the expansion of Medicare to include 35 million additional participants and the coverage of uninsured by a public/private program is much more than could have been achieved by the limited public option as it was contemplated.  The small public option is replaced by a public/private plan, which covers those currently uninsured.  The vast expansion of Medicare offers many more Americans a single payer model of insurance.  Whether this shifts the political equation in the Senate or House is the big question, and this should become known in coming days.

Care2.com/causes blogger Jessica Pieklo and I discussed the new proposal as soon as we got word.  You can hear our conversation by following this link and clicking the December 11, 2009, podcast, and more information should become available as soon as the Congressional Budget Office provides “scoring” or budget estimates.

December 14, 2009, UPDATE: First responses — Senator Lieberman

Taxing Health Insurance Plans

By Marc Seltzer; originally published on October 13, 2009, at care2.com

When is a tax a good idea?

NEVER!  (Say it cause it feels good.  Then get real and move on.)

One important proposal for lowering costs in health care is taxing higher-value health insurance plans.  The principle here is that currently the U.S. government is subsidizing high-level insurance plans purchased by employers.  Health insurance premiums are not taxable, while employers do have to pay tax, such as payroll/social security tax, on income paid to employees.  The employers thus provide additional compensation to their employees without paying full price.  This deduction encourages over-spending by employer and employee.  By comparison, individuals who purchase insurance cannot deduct their premiums or costs of health care from their income.

The thinking goes something like this:  An employer deciding to purchase insurance looks at an $8,000 plan and a $10,000 plan.  It realizes that the $10,000 is a deal because of the subsidy, and it knows its employees will value the plan and consider it as part of the reason to work there.  The employee then has incentive to use medical benefits more than on the lesser plan because the higher-cost plan has lower deductibles, coverage of alternative care and lower co-pays.

There is nothing wrong with an individual choosing to pay more for health insurance and then making use of more in benefits.  But if the U.S. government is subsidizing the plans, then the incentives are distorted.  When conservatives talk about what is wrong with taxation and government, their best argument is that government does not efficiently allocate resources because it distorts the market to redistribute wealth in wasteful ways.  This is a prime example.

If progressives want the government to distort the market in health care, it would make sense to provide help to those who can’t afford care, or to provide subsidies to promote certain types of care such as free annual physicals that could be valuable in improving health or lowering costs, through prevention for the public as a whole.  But there is no reason that the government should redistribute wealth to encourage high-end employer-provided insurance and use of such plans to the fullest.

The result of the system in place today is that working individuals with expensive plans are encouraged to get any and all recommended medical care.  Some procedures are covered 100%.  Some 90%, 80%, 75%. What’s the right formula, where people correctly balance the need for health care against the cost?

Take away the subsidy and find out.

In my own experience, I broke my leg badly, while covered by a great insurance plan.  Surgery was recommended and the $30,000 bill turned into only $1,500 in out-of-pocket expenses.  This is exactly what insurance is designed to protect against and it worked well for me.  This involved emergency hospitalization, which, though expensive, is often well covered by all types of plans.  However, in rehabilitation, I sought chiropractic, acupuncture and physical therapy and remember that my out-of-pocket expenses were remarkably low or non-existent.  My firm offered this plan to compete for employees in the marketplace, but the tax code also underwrote my plan.  Remember, under current law, the more an employer spends on health care plans, the more money it avoids paying tax on.

Current proposals are structured to tax plans on the part of the premiums that go above $8,000 per year and family plans on the premiums above $21,000 (For example, $10,000 in premiums for an individual would be taxed on the $2,000 above the exemption at a rate of 40% for a tax of $800.)  The tax would affect employers and individuals who purchase insurance equally and would likely have several impacts:

1.   It would lower the number of high-end plans, as employers and individuals sought to avoid the tax.  In that case, affected employees, who previously would have received higher-value insurance packages underwritten by the government subsidy, would have lower-value insurance with somewhat higher co-payments.  Shifting some additional burden to the insured in this way would lower national spending on health care, yet continue individual choices on where to spend and where to save.

2.   It would raise an estimated $200 billion dollars from tax revenue on plans that were higher end.  Thus, employers and individuals who continued to purchase high-value plans would pay a new tax on those plans.  This revenue would go to underwrite the efforts to subsidize insurance to those who cannot afford it.  $200 billion represents about 1/4 of the cost estimated to subsidize insurance over the period of ten years.

3.   For people at or below the limits, there would be little change in premium or co-payment prices.  Theoretically, the lower use of medical resources would lower the price of health care in the overall marketplace.  This would likely be countered by the increased use of medical services by individuals who will gain coverage through the new legislation.  However, if the new legislation did not contain this tax provision, prices would continue to rise from increased demand as more people with insurance sought health care services.

There are a number of different ways that health care costs can be lowered and different options for how to bring more people into the insurance marketplace.  The current proposal is but one piece of reform.  Taxing of high-cost health plans is bound to be controversial because Americans are allergic to all tax hikes.  However, this proposal removes a tax loophole that encourages overuse, or at least subsidized use, of the health care system.  Even without the use of the revenue to provide subsidies for those who cannot afford health care, this tax makes sense.

N.Y. Times has an excellent story with political background including issues for unions whose members have received high-level benefits in lieu of compensation.  A detailed Huffington Post piece discusses how the tax may impact middle class Americans and a Commentary blog suggests it will change the health care we have now, against Obama’s promises.  Be that as it may, a loop-hole is a loop-hole, and it creates distortion and waste among executives and union employees alike.

Senator Olympia Snowe, (R)-Maine, who announced today that she is supporting the Democrats’ Senate Finance Committee bill (the Baucus bill) being sent to the full Senate today, supports taxing insurance plans, although she aims to ensure that middle and lower income members of the public and those above age 55 do not bear the burden of the tax.

We all want an efficient government that does not encourage waste of resources.  Calling or writing your congressional representative to demand a tax on excess health care premium plans is the same as demanding the end of an egregious tax loophole.  Remember, the point of health care reform is to insure more Americans and strengthen the financial foundation of the nation.

Baucus Bill Insurance Mandate

Last week, Senator Max Baucus released for public consumption the health care reform legislation that was crafted by a group of bipartisan senators over the last six months.  Evidently because the proposal goes beyond what the Republican members of the Finance Committee’s “gang of six” sub-group wanted, the final draft did not obtain the endorsement of any of the group’s three Republicans.

Initial media reactions have been mixed, with applause for the seriousness of cost containment provisions and concern for what those very same provisions will mean to average Americans.  (Paul Krugman, is a good example)

One aspect of the proposal is eliciting discussion of the freedoms and obligations of participation in democratic society.  The proposal includes a mandate, backed up by substantial fees, that requires that everyone obtain health-care insurance.  Of course, most people receive insurance through their employer, and of those who don’t, many want insurance, if they can get it at a price they can afford.  But it would no longer be a choice under this proposal.  Those who cannot afford to purchase insurance would have their costs subsidized, but everyone would be required to make a substantial commitment of household income towards insurance coverage, which may or may not be in line with the spending choices that they are currently making.

Voices in the media, from the progressive left’s Robert Scheer of Truthdig.com to Washington Times columnist Tony Blankley on the conservative right, reacted to the proposed impingement of freedom.

From KCRW’s: “Left, Right & Center” podcast, Scheer and Blankley:

Robert Scheer:

What I don’t understand is . . . and here let me put on a libertarian hat, you’re forcing people to buy health insurance; you’re penalizing rather substantially if they don’t have; so your making it a crime to live without health insurance; a crime.  At least when you make it a crime to drive a car without insurance you can stop driving a car.

That’s not considered socialism when the government delivers people to private industry but when you have a robust public option that’s considered socialism to the lobbyists.

Also distinguishing auto insurance requirements, Blankely said:

This proposal would mandate that everybody has to buy insurance as a condition of living, which is not a condition and not a privilege the government has but a right we have given to us from god.

President Obama, in his weekend talk show blitz, recognized that this part of the proposal would raise questions, but called it very important for cost cutting.

From “Meet the Press” interview with David Gregory:

Gregory:

What are the hard choices that you are now asking the American people to make?

President Obama:

What I have said, for example, on what is called an individual mandate.

During the campaign, I said “look, if health care is affordable, then I think people will buy it.”  So we don’t have to say to folks “you know what? You have to buy health care.” And when I talk to health care experts on the left and the right, what they tell me is that even after you make health care affordable, there’s still going to be some folks out there, who, whether out of inertia or they just don’t want to spend the money, would rather take their chances.

Unfortunately what that means is that you and I and every American out there who has health insurance and are paying their premiums responsibly every month they have got to pick up the costs for emergency room care when one of those people gets sick.

So what we have said is “as long as we are making this genuinely affordable to families, then you’ve got an obligation to get health care, just like you have an obligation to get auto insurance in every state.”

Gregory:

Are these the hard choices?

President Obama:

That’s an example of a hard choice.  That’s not necessarily wildly popular, but it’s very important.

Mr. Obama cites the costs that are being paid by the insured to cover the uninsured.  Moreover, it has also been reported that people with insurance manage their longer-term illnesses more effectively, potentially lowering emergency and overall health system costs.  But is something lost by way of individual decision-making in return for these financial gains?

Forcing everyone to participate in insurance will bring more customers to existing insurance companies, one of the reasons that they are generally supporting reform efforts, which they objected to in 1994. This could allow lower rates, as insurers earn more and have more premium income to use to pay claims.  Will the benefits be passed on to consumers?

Commentators have also questioned whether the subsidies for those who cannot afford insurance are large enough; the high cost of health insurance could create an unmanageable burden for many Americans.

Of course, we all pay taxes, thus making contributors towards, police, fire, civic authority and other shared costs in society.  But the insurance requirement, even in a system maintaining private insurance coverage, will be a fundamental change in our rights and obligations as Americans.

Why Health Care is So Expensive

Originally published at politicsunlocked.com on June 29, 2009

As the health care debate moves forward, the mess of issues surrounding why health care is so expensive is finally being fleshed out.

Private insurance and costs for health care make up great deal of our national economy. If we were all receiving excellent care and had few complaints about the system, the fact that it costs so much might not be a problem.

However, companies can ill-afford insurance costs when they offer insurance to employees and compete in a global economy. Some of our most successful corporations, those that have “adapted” to international competition such as Walmart, have dropped health care insurance for their employees. Others such as automobile manufacturers and airlines could not compete partly because of the growing costs of health care plans for current and retired workers. Bankruptcies have resulted and health care plans for retired workers have been trimmed or eliminated in the process.

About eighteen percent of the population is uninsured and are likely to avoid some care that would be important for good health and then pay for private care on their own or use expensive public resources without paying for care.

Even the insured have complaints about the system. The public often blames the insurance companies for skimping on coverage and profiting unfairly. While Americans who have employer-provided insurance are most often satisfied with their health care, those who have to obtain insurance privately have great concerns about exclusions of pre-existing illness and recession of contracts for insurance after they become ill.

A recent New Yorker article attempted to discover why the costs in different areas of the country differ dramatically. The article is a must-read for sorting out one aspect of health care: can costs be lowered while still providing excellent care? The writer, an M.D. himself, Atul Gawande, interviewed doctors in two Texas areas, where statistics show widely different costs per person for about the same health care outcomes for their patients. In one section of the article, Dr. Gawande recounts a conversation with doctors from the more expensive health care area:

Some were dubious when I told them that McAllen was the country’s most expensive place for health care. I gave them the spending data from Medicare. In 1992, in the McAllen market, the average cost per Medicare enrollee was $4,891, almost exactly the national average. But since then, year after year, McAllen’s health costs have grown faster than any other market in the country, ultimately soaring by more than ten thousand dollars per person.

“Maybe the service is better here,” the cardiologist suggested. People can be seen faster and get their tests more readily, he said.

Others were skeptical. “I don’t think that explains the costs he’s talking about,” the general surgeon said.

“It’s malpractice,” a family physician who had practiced here for thirty-three years said.

“McAllen is legal hell,” the cardiologist agreed. Doctors order unnecessary tests just to protect themselves, he said. Everyone thought the lawyers here were worse than elsewhere.

That explanation puzzled me. Several years ago, Texas passed a tough malpractice law that capped pain-and-suffering awards at two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Didn’t lawsuits go down?

“Practically to zero,” the cardiologist admitted.

“Come on,” the general surgeon finally said. “We all know these arguments are bullshit. There is overutilization here, pure and simple.”  Doctors, he said, “were racking up charges with extra tests, services, and procedures.”

This does not demonstrate that the problems of health care costs are all related to decisions made by doctors. But research shows that the outcomes of care provided in lower-cost areas can be as good as that provided in high cost areas. If this is the case, insurers, the government and the public pay more than what is necessary through premiums, co-pays and taxes. A change in the care prescribed by doctors could save everyone a great deal of money without providing less care. In fact, patients would endure fewer tests, less and medical procedures than they are currently made to face.

Much of the current debate focuses on the politics of health care. People imagine a war between socialism and capitalism fought in the guise of health care reform. Good financial reform will be much more specifically tailored to deal with the problems in the current system and hopefully will give us more for less.

Health Care on the Horizon

By Marc Seltzer; originally published on November 17, 2009, at politicsunlocked.com

. .

President-elect Barack Obama made health care reform a central tenant of his campaign.  The fact that so many Americans are not covered and that coverage is so costly for those who are, brought the public together behind Obama’s call for change.

Recent polls confirm a substantial consensus for government action on health care.

Ninety-two percent of Obama supporters, 88 percent of undecided voters, and 57 percent of McCain supporters in an August 2008 WorldPublicOpinion.org poll, recognized that the government bears some responsibility for the health care of its citizens.  This may not be a call for nationalized health care as was toyed with during the Clinton administration, but it does signal government involvement in a health care solution will be welcomed. 69 percent of respondents also said the government was “doing a poor job” ensuring basic health care needs are met.

Obama’s proposals, voiced prominently during the campaign, call for federal regulation of insurers andpublic spending to help uninsured Americans obtain coverage.  Keys to any new legislation are likely to be mandatory coverage for pre-existing conditions, tax credits for small businesses that insure their employees, fees for large corporations who don’t, coverage of all children and subsidies for those that need help with premiums.

Obama estimated the costs of reform to be $50-65 billion and suggested that a repeal of Bush tax cuts for upper income Americans would offset increased spending in the federal budget.

The real question now is what shape health care reform will take in light of the financial crisis. President-elect Obama has put economic recovery at the top of his agenda and hinted that other issues will be considered in this light.

The concern on health care reform is that tax increases for the wealthy and for some businesses could negatively impact economic growth.  With economic indicators bleak, and all eyes on fiscal stimulus, the country can ill-afford to burden any segment of the economy.

Health care policy experts are speculating on a limited phase-in of reforms, with insurance for children touted as a first step. Longtime advocates for reform, such as Senator Ted Kennedy, are preparing draft legislation in time for inauguration day on January 20th, 2009.

The new president is all about pragmatism, so he will undoubtedly consider any potential harm to the economy before taking action.  However, there is reason to expect progress on health care.

Obama has spoken passionately about health care from the very beginning of his campaign and has stated how crucial it is to improving the lives of middle class Americans.  His own mother faced “preexisting illness” denial-of-coverage issues for treatment of her terminal ovarian cancer.

This President will begin his term with a substantial electoral victory, strong majorities in the Senate and House of Representatives, and public opinion in support of government action.

This is a mandate for change and the power to see it through.